Turkey is in the grip of election frenzy these days for the country’s 17th general election scheduled on June 12, 2011. Early polls predict a landslide victory for the ruling AKP which is expected to grab more than 50% of the total vote cast. AKP and other political parties are campaining on various national, international and economic issues, such as, human rights, Kurdish and other minorities, religious freedom, Kemalist military elites (The Deep State), the Islamic world and relations with the US, Zionist entity and the EU (watch video below).
Under two-terms AKP government, Turkey has achieved tremendous changes in political, social, foreign relations and especially in the economic sector, so much so that Turkey has become 11th largest economy (Saudi Arabia being No. 16) within G20 nations. The more Ankara distant itself from the US, EU and Israel – and its warming of relations with its neighboring countries (Iran, Syria, Egypt and Lebanon) and its support for Palestinian resistance – the more it receives admiration from the Muslim world. Turkey along with the Islamic Iran has become undisputed regional powers. These are some of the reasons, most of the Sunni Arabs protesting against their western puppet regimes are looking Turkey as a role-model for their future democraric states.
The AKP success-story is naturally poses a threat to Turkish rich and secularist Kemalist minority known as ‘The Deep State’, consisting of Zionists, Mossad agents and the old Kemalist guard. They have tried to bring military coup against Erdogan government in the past and now trying to create religious anmosity between Turkish Muslim majority and country’s Jewish and Christian minorities. Last month two armed-persons pretending to be Muslims raided a Catholic church in Adana. In 2006, a ‘Muslim’ teenager shot and killed a Catholic priest in Trabzon. In November 2003, Mossad agents bombed Istanbul Synagouge to make Turkish Muslims look Jew-haters (Turkey is home to 120,000 Jews) and killing of an Armenian journalist, Hirant Dink, and blanketing Erdogan’s efforts to have peace with Turkey’s Kurd minority.
Ehud Toledano, writing for Hudson Institute’s Jewish think tank ‘Center on Islam, Democracy and the Future of the Muslim World’ says: ”Today, AKP consists of a number of groups, some of them remnants of previously banned or defunct Islamist parties, with the religious-Islamic factions being one of the larger components but not the predominant one. Hardcore former members of the old Islamist parties (for example, the Milli Nizam Partisi, its successors Milli Selamet Partisi and the Refah Party, as well as the Fazilet Party) did not and still do not constitute a majority within AKP. In some ways in fact, AKP was the product of a split within the old Islamic movement: after the Fazilet Party was declared illegal, the more ideologically-inclined members of the movement followed former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan, who was ousted in 1997, to form the Saadet Partisi, while the more moderate conservatives created AKP, which is in essence a center-right coalition. While ideological Islamists have found a home in AKP’s broad tent, they are, in fact, outnumbered by conservative, business-oriented groups and also outranked by party leaders like Prime Minister Recep Tayep Erdogan and President Abullah Gul, who might, based on their record so far, best be described as Islamists-turned-modern politicians or as ideologues-turned-pragmatists”.
Since AKP’s rise to power, the overall weakening of the military’s position in Turkish political life has been obvious. At the outset of its rule, AKP was still politically constrained, but the party gained a useful boost in its drive to weaken the military’s hold over politics both from its ability to maintain political stability over time and from the European Union, which, in the course of Turkey’s negotiations with Brussels over accession to the E.U., sought to pressure Ankara to limit the army’s abilities to stage coups d’état. This push has been accelerated by developments following AKP’s 2007 victory.
Erdogan has relied on two men in particular for foreign policy guidance. The first is President Abdullah Gul, who previously served as prime minister as well as foreign minister and who has deep personal roots in the Islamic movement. The second is Professor Ahmed Davutoglu, who now serves as Turkey’s Foreign Minister. The basis of Turkey’s new foreign policy is widely attributed to Davutoglu, who due to his academic background as professor of political science at Bilkent University in Ankara is well-acquainted with international relations theory and is a sophisticated exponent and defender of AKP’s international policies.
Election 2011: AKP poised to win big | Rehmat's World
Under two-terms AKP government, Turkey has achieved tremendous changes in political, social, foreign relations and especially in the economic sector, so much so that Turkey has become 11th largest economy (Saudi Arabia being No. 16) within G20 nations. The more Ankara distant itself from the US, EU and Israel – and its warming of relations with its neighboring countries (Iran, Syria, Egypt and Lebanon) and its support for Palestinian resistance – the more it receives admiration from the Muslim world. Turkey along with the Islamic Iran has become undisputed regional powers. These are some of the reasons, most of the Sunni Arabs protesting against their western puppet regimes are looking Turkey as a role-model for their future democraric states.
The AKP success-story is naturally poses a threat to Turkish rich and secularist Kemalist minority known as ‘The Deep State’, consisting of Zionists, Mossad agents and the old Kemalist guard. They have tried to bring military coup against Erdogan government in the past and now trying to create religious anmosity between Turkish Muslim majority and country’s Jewish and Christian minorities. Last month two armed-persons pretending to be Muslims raided a Catholic church in Adana. In 2006, a ‘Muslim’ teenager shot and killed a Catholic priest in Trabzon. In November 2003, Mossad agents bombed Istanbul Synagouge to make Turkish Muslims look Jew-haters (Turkey is home to 120,000 Jews) and killing of an Armenian journalist, Hirant Dink, and blanketing Erdogan’s efforts to have peace with Turkey’s Kurd minority.
Ehud Toledano, writing for Hudson Institute’s Jewish think tank ‘Center on Islam, Democracy and the Future of the Muslim World’ says: ”Today, AKP consists of a number of groups, some of them remnants of previously banned or defunct Islamist parties, with the religious-Islamic factions being one of the larger components but not the predominant one. Hardcore former members of the old Islamist parties (for example, the Milli Nizam Partisi, its successors Milli Selamet Partisi and the Refah Party, as well as the Fazilet Party) did not and still do not constitute a majority within AKP. In some ways in fact, AKP was the product of a split within the old Islamic movement: after the Fazilet Party was declared illegal, the more ideologically-inclined members of the movement followed former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan, who was ousted in 1997, to form the Saadet Partisi, while the more moderate conservatives created AKP, which is in essence a center-right coalition. While ideological Islamists have found a home in AKP’s broad tent, they are, in fact, outnumbered by conservative, business-oriented groups and also outranked by party leaders like Prime Minister Recep Tayep Erdogan and President Abullah Gul, who might, based on their record so far, best be described as Islamists-turned-modern politicians or as ideologues-turned-pragmatists”.
Since AKP’s rise to power, the overall weakening of the military’s position in Turkish political life has been obvious. At the outset of its rule, AKP was still politically constrained, but the party gained a useful boost in its drive to weaken the military’s hold over politics both from its ability to maintain political stability over time and from the European Union, which, in the course of Turkey’s negotiations with Brussels over accession to the E.U., sought to pressure Ankara to limit the army’s abilities to stage coups d’état. This push has been accelerated by developments following AKP’s 2007 victory.
Erdogan has relied on two men in particular for foreign policy guidance. The first is President Abdullah Gul, who previously served as prime minister as well as foreign minister and who has deep personal roots in the Islamic movement. The second is Professor Ahmed Davutoglu, who now serves as Turkey’s Foreign Minister. The basis of Turkey’s new foreign policy is widely attributed to Davutoglu, who due to his academic background as professor of political science at Bilkent University in Ankara is well-acquainted with international relations theory and is a sophisticated exponent and defender of AKP’s international policies.
Election 2011: AKP poised to win big | Rehmat's World
